“A much needed book about powerful conceptual frameworks that have been profoundly influential for centuries....should be compulsory reading for any scholar working on families.”
- Silvia Sovic, University of London
Silvia Sovic's review of Reading History Sideways
Reproduced below with the Author's Permission.
The idea of progress and modernity is still firmly embedded in research today. Scholars, especially family historians, have shown little interest in understanding its origins, its implications for the interpretation of data, or its role in the lives of ordinary people. This is a much needed book about powerful conceptual frameworks that have been profoundly influential for centuries. Fundamental to their approach is the developmental paradigm, which is a 'model of history that assumes that all societies are on the same pathway or trajectory of change, with each going through the same stages of development. However, the developmental paradigm posits that the speed of movement along this relatively uniform pathway of development varies across societies' (p. 3). The challenging aspect of developmental thinking is in its method, which is referred to here as reading history sideways. It is a method based on the assumption that 'the previous conditions of life of a more advanced society can be proxied by the life situations of a contemporary society believed to be at an earlier stage of development. That is, the contemporary society perceived as less developed is used as a proxy for circumstances at an earlier historical period of the society that is perceived as more advanced' (p. 4). The developmental paradigm and its method have been used mainly by the scholars of Northwest Europe in an ethnocentric way that presupposes the superior nature of Western societies over non-Western societies (p. 11). The focal point of the book is the impact of developmental idealism on marriage and family life and change around the globe.
The book is divided into three parts. The first focuses on the intellectual background, starting with a survey of the models, methods, and data central to developmental thinking. Such thinking has existed in Western societies for centuries, apparently being known already in ancient Greece and Rome. A key element is the practice of interpreting 'cross-sectional data as historical data and variations across space as variations across time' (p. 32). Early scholars who adopted the practice called it the 'comparative method', and it is certainly still with us today; scholars 'continue to make longitudinal inferences from cross-sectional data despite the existence of large quantities of longitudinal data and numerous warnings about the dangers of reading history sideways' (p. 233). Edward Tylor's cross-cultural view of the trajectory of social development, measuring the degree of civilization of a group strictly by its distance from the Northwest European benchmark, is an example of the approach.
Developmental thinking and its methods have constructed many myths in family history, above all the enduring one of the uniqueness of the small-family phenomenon in Northwest Europe. Here the pace of scholarship has rather outrun the author. The classic dichotomy between Northwestern European family patterns and that of other parts of the world is considered by the author to be a matter of 'recent research', and it is rather disappointing to learn that 'despite the diversity of living arrangements within various societies, the basic contrast made by previous generations of scholars between Northwest Europe and many other parts of the world remain valid today' (p. 52). In fact a stream of studies over the last two decades (Goody, Todorova, Viazzo, Moring) has increasingly called this model into question, demonstrating its inadequacies both for Northwest Europe and for the 'rest of the world'. It would have been nice to find this work acknowledged here. The author argues that we must 'be explicitly aware of the heritage of developmental thinking that we have inherited from our intellectual ancestors if we are to escape its influence' (p. 110), but clearly 'reading history sideways' is a trap from which nobody is entirely safe.
The second part of the book explores the worldwide influence of developmental thinking on scholarship about families. Chapter 6 focuses on the theoretical concepts of the present. Especially compelling is what this reveals about the developmental language used by scholars. The practical consequences of this language, and the values embedded in it, are left for a Postscript. Terms such as modern, advanced, and progressive, as opposed to traditional, backward, etc., imply certain values, and one could not agree more with the author that 'the traditional/modern distinction is without scientific justification and serves only to perpetuate hierarchical notions and to obstruct attempts to attain a true understanding of human social life' (p. 246). The author suggests that using this type of language is often offensive to many and should be eschewed in scientific discourse 'that aims to be value free' (p. 245). He notes its revival in the wake of 11 September 2001 (pp. 244-5), though to call it 'a brief return to such pejorative language' may be optimistic.
Developmental thinking has not been limited to scholarly research. It has also been shaping the lives of individuals and communities through education, media, governmental policies, aid agencies, etc., worldwide. This is the theme of the third part of the book, which adds range and practical relevance to what is already an impressive cultural tour de force. Reading History Sideways should be compulsory reading for any scholar working on families, especially demographers and family historians.
Silvia Sovic, School of Advanced Study, University of London
Publication details for Reading History Sideways: The Fallacy and Enduring Impact of the Developmental Paradigm on Family Life.
